Érudit's RSS Feed

Erratum

None

Ce qui ne tue pas rend-il plus fort ? Les réponses des organisations internationales aux crises

Camille Bayet, Mathilde Leloup and Anaëlle Vergonjeanne
Why is it that international organizations, although constantly threatened by crisis situations, are so long-lived? Against a backdrop of hardening international relations (characterized by the rise of bilateralism and protectionism of states, the United States in the lead), international organizations are subject to crises, challenges and criticism, both external and internal. However, this current period of turbulence, like those that have preceded it in the history of international organizations, does not signal their demise. Empirically, these institutions manage to survive by absorbing shocks to a greater or lesser extent and adapting their mandates and institutional architectures more or less visibly. Drawing on the substantial literature on crises and their international institutions, this introductory article proposes to go beyond the study of the nature of “crises” to focus on the extent and diversity of the responses that international organizations provide to them. From “lack of response” to “adhesion reform”, the various empirical cases studied in this special issue demonstrate the plasticity of these institutions, which are often all too quickly condemned to failure because of their bureaucratic unwieldiness.

ONU Femmes face au gender backlash : usages et effets du Forum Génération Égalité sur le régime global de l’égalité femmes-hommes

Simon Tordjman
Commonly referred to as “gender backlash”, the crisis of the multilateral women’s rights regime at the UN manifests itself on both the normative and operational levels. The polarization of debates, the devitalization of the Organization’s normative activity, and the limited effectiveness of the policies pursued by its Member States and its own Secretariat, are all affecting the centrality of the UN on the subject. Faced with the threat of a regression in rights, the Generation Equality Forum, which in July 2021 brought together States, UN agencies, private actors and civil society organizations, is therefore conceived as a means of using the partial bypassing of UN bodies as a lever for revitalizing the multilateral women’s rights regime. By publicizing the commitments made on the subject, it aims to enable its participants – both state and non-state – to demonstrate their commitment to gender equality, while avoiding any possible regression in the normative architecture of women’s rights. Beyond its promoters’ stated ambitions, the aim of this article is to highlight how the Forum’s ambiguous position, between inter-governmental and extra-UN spaces, enables the UN agency on gender equality (UN Women) to establish its authority, but not without affecting the more general functionality and centrality of the UN system.

À qui profite la « crise » ? Les effets des coups d’État militaires au Sahel sur la Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune de l’Union européenne

Léonard Colomba-Petteng
How do international organizations react to critical episodes? This article addresses this research question by looking at the effects of a diplomatic clash which occurred between the European Union and the military regimes in power in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. It intends to shed light on the reconfiguration of power in the EU after the decision of military regimes to withdraw from strategic partnership established under the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Building on the sociology of European public action, we show that various actors in Europe attempted to turn this “crisis” into an opportunity to defend their preferences and agendas in the name of the interests of the EU.

De la conciliation à la contestation : la fragile autorité de l’Organisation mondiale de la santé face à la crise du Covid-19

Quentin Couvreur
The World Health Organization (WHO) has faced sometimes harsh criticism for its initial handling of the Covid-19 crisis and its stance towards the Chinese government during the early weeks of the epidemic. Contributing to the discussion on the authority of international organizations in times of crisis, this article argues that the WHO’s response was not so much constrained by China’s alleged “influence,” but rather by the need to prevent a challenge to the organization’s authority. Initially, the choice of a conciliatory strategy towards Beijing allowed the WHO to secure access to epidemiological information from China. However, this approach later fueled contestation from the Trump administration and led to a strong politicization of the debate, ultimately undermining the WHO’s authority in coordinating the fight against the pandemic.

Ban Ki-moon et l’action climatique : le Secrétaire général des Nations Unies comme entrepreneur d’opportunité

Luis Rivera-Velez
When Ban Ki-moon took office as Secretary-General of the United Nations in 2007, he inherited a multilateral climate policy weakened by the lack of leadership from states, the fragmentation of UN agencies, and the limited involvement of non-state actors. Against all expectations, he made climate change a central priority of his mandate, positioning himself as a key player in climate negotiations. Drawing on archival material related to the actions of the Secretary-General, this article shows how Ban Ki-moon leveraged the governance crisis to establish himself, first as a recognized authority, and later as an influential administrator and diplomat in global climate governance. His efforts culminated in the signing of the Paris Agreement in 2015 and were continued under the leadership of his successor, António Guterres, thus consolidating the institutionalization of the UN Secretary-General’s climate role.

La campagne Unite4Heritage : l’adoption d’une communication de crise pour réhabiliter l’UNESCO

Mathilde Leloup
In March 2015, following the destruction of World Heritage sites by the Islamic State (ISIS) in Iraq, the Director-General of UNESCO launched the Unite4Heritage communication campaign. At the time, this was less a response to the crisis than to the criticism it sparked from Internet users on social media, who accused the UN agency of either overdoing or, conversely, underdoing its efforts to protect threatened or destroyed sites. As a knock-on effect, the response to the criticism gave the agency’s staff the opportunity to reflect in depth on the link between the protection of cultural sites and that of populations threatened by armed conflict, and thus on the role of their organisation in the fight against violent extremism. This reflection has led to institutional changes that enabled UNESCO to regain, at least for a time, its legitimacy and even consolidate its position in the multilateral system. Previously limited to a normative role, responsible for drafting and monitoring international cultural conventions, it has gradually taken on an operational mandate to manage emergency situations.

L’équilibrisme du plaidoyer international entre politisation et dépolitisation : le cas des réseaux de promotion de l’économie sociale et solidaire

Marion Pouzoulet
Based on a comparison of two international networks promoting the social and solidarity economy, this article examines the politicization and depoliticization processes at work in international advocacy networks. The article reviews the political framing processes specific to the emergence of advocacy networks. It also illustrates different situations in which these same networks develop various practices of depoliticization as part of a quest for legitimacy with the international organizations and governments targeted by their advocacy, and a need for action. This quest for legitimacy is even more justified given that advocacy networks find themselves competing with each other in terms of their politicization. The article thus offers a renewed reading of the political work carried out by international advocacy networks, focusing simultaneously on their internal and external stakes.