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<rss version="2.0" xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom"><channel><title>Érudit's RSS Feed</title><link>http://www.erudit.org/en/</link><description>Volume 45, Number 1, 2026</description><atom:link href="http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ps/rss.xml" rel="self"/><language>en</language><lastBuildDate>Thu, 03 Sep 2026 03:26:53 +0000</lastBuildDate><image><url>https://assets.erudit.tech/static/img/logo-erudit.daebca8dc4fc.png</url><title>Érudit</title><link>https://erudit.org</link></image><item><title>Dépasser les souffrances individuelles par les médiations syndicales : les processus de syndicalisation des travailleurs de l’industrie vidéoludique française et québécoise</title><link>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ps/2026-v45-n1-ps010683/1124280ar/</link><description>Artur de Matos Alves&lt;br /&gt;The processes of unionization in the video game industry witnessed since 2017 have already made remarkable progress when compared to the situation prior to the emergence of unions or proto-union organizations in that sector. The balance of power is undergoing significant transformations. However, this movement toward politicization in a historically unpoliticized environment seems to be rooted in the lived experience of social suffering. The development of political sociability and the sharing of the suffering of individuals, through collective mediation, remains in fact one of the most effective resources for giving it a political translation and, thus, mitigating or eliminating its consequences and causes. However, this politicization movement can itself constitute a test for its actors. By drawing from interviews with activists in France and Québec, this article intends to examine the place of social suffering throughout the process of unionization of video game workers, focusing on their efforts to unionize.</description><guid>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ps/2026-v45-n1-ps010683/1124280ar/</guid></item><item><title>L’éconationalisme au Québec : état des lieux et analyse des fondements normatifs</title><link>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ps/2026-v45-n1-ps010683/1124281ar/</link><description>Jérôme Gosselin-Tapp&lt;br /&gt;This paper reflects on the philosophical foundations of eco-nationalism. It examines green nationalism as a moral and political horizon, looking at the philosophical basis on which this position can be defended or criticized. Taking Quebec society as a case in point and based on a critical mapping of the various positions on eco-nationalism, this article proposes a typology of positions surrounding green nationalism, thus analyzing recent public debates in Quebec based on normative theories of nationalism, territorial justice, and environmental justice.</description><guid>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ps/2026-v45-n1-ps010683/1124281ar/</guid></item><item><title>Comment les instruments d’action publique orientent-ils la participation de nouveaux entrants au sein d’un marché ? Le cas des projets coopératifs d’énergie renouvelable en France et au Royaume-Uni</title><link>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ps/2026-v45-n1-ps010683/1124282ar/</link><description>Pierre Wokuri&lt;br /&gt;Many scholars have shown that public policy instruments guide relations between actors. However, little research has been done on how these instruments shape the entry and activity of new entrants within a market. This article addresses this gap by showing how public policy instruments guide the participation of new entrants in a market, using the case of cooperative renewable energy projects in France and the United Kingdom. Drawing on a multi-level comparative research design that uses the process tracing method, the analysis highlights three modes of orientation for new entrants within a market. The first one is related to the recognition of the specificity of new entrants with policy instruments tackling specific weaknesses of these actors. The second one deals with the remuneration of economic activities such as electricity generation or supply. The third one is about lock-in effects produced by policy instruments in terms of rules of exchange and the participation threshold for new entrants.</description><guid>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ps/2026-v45-n1-ps010683/1124282ar/</guid></item><item><title>Les comités logement vus par l’administration municipale montréalaise : reconnaissance partenariale et usages stratégiques de la protestation</title><link>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ps/2026-v45-n1-ps010683/1124283ar/</link><description>Montserrat Emperador Badimon&lt;br /&gt;Based on a study of perceptions of housing committees in two Montreal boroughs, this article examines the capacity of community organizations and collective mobilizations to influence public policy. Empirical data from a qualitative survey was analyzed using a theoretical framework combining the interactionist approach to protest action and research on collaborative governance. I demonstrate that the actions of housing committees elicit contrasting perceptions within the borough, revealing the heterogeneity of the actors that coexist there. While the latter recognize housing committees as necessary partners, their protest activity nevertheless elicits feelings of threat. These feelings can be strategically mobilized by actors in the borough to advance their own agenda, which guarantees the housing committees a certain degree of influence.</description><guid>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ps/2026-v45-n1-ps010683/1124283ar/</guid></item><item><title>Quand une réforme internationale tarde à se matérialiser au niveau national. Pour une perspective néo-institutionnaliste du système camerounais d’orientation professionnelle</title><link>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ps/2026-v45-n1-ps010683/1125185ar/</link><description>Augustin Eric Owona and Yves Dieudonné Bapes Ba Bapes&lt;br /&gt;This article analyzes the implementation of challenges of the lifelong guidance (LLG) model in Cameroon. It begins with the paradox that this international reform to which Cameroon adhered produces little concrete effect on national systems. The article seeks to answer the following question: why is the lifelong guidance approach only partially or marginally adopted by Cameroonian guidance counsellors? Through a thematic discourse analysis method, this work explores the institutional logics that contribute to the gap between the LLG model and its implementation in Cameroon. The data derive from twenty semi-structured interviews conducted with guidance counsellors. Understanding of the data was facilitated by the analysis of public policies, notably the three strands of neo-institutionalism. It appears that while the importance of the LLG model is indeed recognized, it is not reflected in practices in the field. Moreover, training specific to that model is almost nonexistent. This new approach, so to speak, faces institutional constraints that hinder its implementation in Cameroon. Ultimately, the study considers all these aspects as a way of governing by Cameroonian public authorities, which involves gradually absorbing external pressure due to the political emergencies they face.</description><guid>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ps/2026-v45-n1-ps010683/1125185ar/</guid></item><item><title>Kuña jetyvyro ha jepytaso : comprendre l’émergence des mouvements féminins autochtones et campesinas au Paraguay</title><link>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ps/2026-v45-n1-ps010683/1125186ar/</link><description>Andréanne Brunet-Bélanger&lt;br /&gt;Paraguay holds the world record for the most unequal land distribution, with intensive genetically modified soybean agriculture causing the forced displacement of rural and indigenous populations. In response to these neoliberal policies, indigenous and peasant movements are emerging. One of these, CONAMURI, brings together campesinas and indigenous women fighting against poverty, exclusion, and discrimination related to class, ethnicity, and gender in both rural and urban areas. The article focuses on the emergence of CONAMURI and analyzes its resistance practices against the agrarian extractivism model, situating its struggles within the Paraguayan socio-political context marked by land inequality, Spanish/Guarani bilingualism, and patriarchal structures. It notably presents the actions taken to preserve seeds and achieve food sovereignty, rooted in both urban and rural environments, subverting the dominant order through daily acts of resistance.</description><guid>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/ps/2026-v45-n1-ps010683/1125186ar/</guid></item></channel></rss>