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<rss version="2.0" xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom"><channel><title>Érudit's RSS Feed</title><link>http://www.erudit.org/en/</link><description>Volume 21, Number 2, 2024</description><atom:link href="http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/gouvernance/rss.xml" rel="self"/><language>en</language><lastBuildDate>Thu, 03 Sep 2026 03:30:41 +0000</lastBuildDate><image><url>https://assets.erudit.tech/static/img/logo-erudit.daebca8dc4fc.png</url><title>Érudit</title><link>https://erudit.org</link></image><item><title>« Boucliers numériques » ? L’impact du télétravail sur le harcèlement et la discrimination au travail : une étude qualitative</title><link>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/gouvernance/2024-v21-n2-gouvernance09934/1117045ar/</link><description>Fatou Bèye&lt;br /&gt;As organizations around the world adopt teleworking, the dynamics of harassment and discrimination in the workplace are undergoing significant change. This study examines the influence of teleworking on these problematic behaviours, focusing on the experiences and perceptions of Canadian federal employees. It examines how the shift from a traditional office environment to a remote environment affects interpersonal interactions and the manifestation of problems in the workplace. The physical separation between colleagues in teleworking tends to minimize direct confrontations, which may reduce the frequency of harassment and discrimination. However, the study also reveals critical challenges associated with virtual work environments. The anonymity and physical detachment that characterize digital communication can sometimes intensify discriminatory behavior. In the absence of direct interaction, it is more difficult to identify and remedy such behavior, as the digital medium can mask the identity of perpetrators and reduce the accountability typically present in physical workspaces. So, while telecommuting may have benefits in reducing some forms of workplace harassment and discrimination, robust policies and strategies are needed to counter the challenges it introduces. The results of the study indicate that while teleworking can lead to a reduction in incidents of harassment and discrimination, the complexities of digital communication require careful management to avoid exacerbating these problems.</description><guid>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/gouvernance/2024-v21-n2-gouvernance09934/1117045ar/</guid></item><item><title>Caractérisation de la transformation numérique de la participation citoyenne : Application aux collectivités locales tunisiennes</title><link>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/gouvernance/2024-v21-n2-gouvernance09934/1117046ar/</link><description>Aida Haouala and Anissa Ben Hassine&lt;br /&gt;This article explores the characteristics of citizen e-participation in Tunisian local communities. Since the adoption of the Electoral Code in 2018, governments have launched numerous electronic initiatives, particularly on social media platforms. Our multi-site case study, carried out in three areas of investigation (five Tunisian local communities, four citizen associations working in the municipal field and three central government institutions), demonstrates that the design of citizen e-participation initiatives must consider six key dimensions. These include digital tools, domains, users, activities of users, levels, and contextual factors impacting citizen e-participation.</description><guid>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/gouvernance/2024-v21-n2-gouvernance09934/1117046ar/</guid></item><item><title>Le transfert et la réception des instruments d’action publique dans les administrations publiques africaines : une étude de cas du budget participatif en République démocratique du Congo</title><link>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/gouvernance/2024-v21-n2-gouvernance09934/1117047ar/</link><description>Christian Mushagalusa Nkunzi&lt;br /&gt;This article undertakes an in-depth analysis of the intricate mechanisms pertaining to the transfer and reception of the participatory budget in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It highlights critical factors that account for the inefficacy of Public Action Instruments (PAIs) advocated in Africa by international development organizations such as the World Bank. Building on policy transfer and PAI theories, this study dissects the nuanced relationships that prevail between the World Bank, the Congolese government, and the decentralized territorial entities (DTEs) in the context of the participatory budget. The research methodology includes a series of interviews conducted with a variety of stakeholders engaged in the transfer and reception process. The findings reflect the pivotal role of World Bank consultants, who steered the participatory budget in alignment with the Bank’s institutional priorities and interests, as opposed to those of the Congolese authorities. Despite the formal endorsement of the participatory budget by Congolese authorities, they did not extend substantial political and financial support for its successful implementation. Moreover, participatory budget is implemented within decentralized territorial entities where national authorities maintain financial control, and local authorities are not willing to share power with citizens, thus hindering accountability.</description><guid>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/gouvernance/2024-v21-n2-gouvernance09934/1117047ar/</guid></item><item><title>Orpaillage et dynamiques socio-politiques dans la commune de Gaoua, dans le sud-ouest du Burkina Faso</title><link>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/gouvernance/2024-v21-n2-gouvernance09934/1117048ar/</link><description>Oumar Sangaré and Ramané Kaboré&lt;br /&gt;This research focuses on how gold washing and related activities bring changes in the socio-political life of local societies in the country’s south. Ever since the liberalization of the mining sector by the Burkinabe state in the 1990s (Mégret, 2013) and the mining boom that followed, many young people have acquired financial means through gold washing, which they convert into political and social resources. The acquisition of these resources has helped to strengthen not only their purchasing power, but also their social and political power. With these new resources, young people acquire greater visibility and opportunities for action at the decision-making level in their societies. They hold positions of responsibility in local development organizations, town councils, etc. All these disruptions give way to the rise of new, younger holders of local political and economic power (big men) who are driving out the old.</description><guid>http://www.erudit.org/en/journals/gouvernance/2024-v21-n2-gouvernance09934/1117048ar/</guid></item></channel></rss>